Taos phonology
The main description of Taos phonology was contributed by George L. Trager in a (pre-generative) structuralist framework. Earlier considerations of the phonetics-phonology were by John P. Harrington and Jaime de Angulo.de Angulo's work includes an unpublished grammatical sketch and analyzed texts (housed at the American Philosophical Society). Trager's first account was in Trager (1946) based on fieldwork 1935-1937, which was then substantially revised in Trager (1948) (due in part to the inclusion of juncture phonemes and newly collected data in 1947 in the analysis). The description below takes Trager (1946) as the main point of departure and notes where this differs from the analysis of Trager (1948). Harrington's description (although from a different period) is more similar to Trager (1946). Certain comments from a generative perspective are noted in a comparative work Hale (1967). Segments The two following sections detail phonetic information about Taos phonological segments (i.e., consonants and vowels), as well as their phonological patterning in morphophonemic alternations. Consonants Trager (1946) lists 27 consonants (25 native) for Taos, although in his later analysis he posited 18 consonants.The main difference with respect to consonants in the 1948 analysis is that aspirated consonants , ejectives , and labialized consonants were considered consonant sequences, respectively . Similar alternate analyses of vs. have been proposed in other languages in region, e.g., Zuni syllable-initial consonants (see: Zuni consonants). This difference affects his analysis of syllable structure and phonotactics. The sequences , then, contrast with sequences. Intervocalically, are interpreted as syllable onsets while are split by syllable boundaries . Trager admits that this analysis may not be ideal for the labialized segments since would be the only native three-consonant cluster that appears in syllable onsets (other three-consonant clusters appear in Spanish loanwords). Even so, he rejects a phoneme sequence because the exclusion of loanword phonology is "very bad methodology". Unlike his decomposition of other Trager (1946) consonants, Trager (1948) retains as a unitary segment. A final difference is the interpretation of the cluster found in loanwords. : Words exemplifying Taos consonants are in the table below: : Consonant phonetics and allophony * Voiceless stops are very slightly aspirated. * Aspirated stops are strongly aspirated. * The ejectives are weakly glottalized.Harrington (1910) notes the glottalized stops have weak glottalic releases like the Georgian language or Mayan languages but unlike other strongly ejective releases found in other Native American languages (such as Kiowa). The labialized velar is rare. * The dental consonants are phonetically denti-alveolar. * In some speakers, may have an assimilated bilabial fricative : . This can also vary with a deleted stop closure. Thus, has the following free variation: .This > parallels a historical development where Proto-Kiowa–Tanoan became Taos , became . Examples: : * The fricative only occurs in Spanish loanwords in a syllable-initial cluster and may be labio-dental or bilabial : "fruit" (from fruta) as . It is briefly mentioned in Trager (1946) and ultimately excluded from the phonological description.Trager (1948), which does not exclude loanword phonology, interprets the cluster as . * The stops are voiced intervocalically. At the beginning of words, they only occur in loanwords (as in "glass tumbler" from vaso and "rooster" from gallo) where Trager describes them as "less voiced". Syllable-finally, they are voiceless, have no audible release, and have a long closure duration : : * There is a neutralization of the contrast between the labialized consonants and their non-labial counterparts before the (labial) high back vowels where only phonetically labialized velars occur.That is, there is a neutralization, a neutralization, and a neutralization. In this environment, Trager assumes these are non-labials which are phonetically labialized due to assimilation (e.g. is , is , etc.): : * Fricative has weak frication, unlike the stronger frication found in other languages (such as, the closely related Picuris language). * Voiceless is phonetically an affricate and usually post-alveolar . Taos is somewhat more palatal than English .Trager (1936). However, can freely vary with a more forward articulation ranging from post-alveolar to alveolar: . Some speakers tend to have more forward articulations before the vowels while ejective is before high vowels and elsewhere although there is some amount of free variation between these realizations.Trager (1944, 1946). Examples: : * Fricative tends to have a post-alveolar allophone before high vowels (especially the high front vowel ): : * The flap is a borrowed phoneme (< Spanish ) that occurs in loanwords from New Mexican Spanish that were borrowed relatively recentlyEarlier borrowings with Spanish were nativized as Taos as in "rug" from Spanish jerga, "godmother" from comadre, "king" from rey, "Wednesday" from miércoles. (Note that the Spanish trill was nativized as a Taos sequence .) as in : * The lateral liquid is velarized at the end of syllables: : * The labial glide is labio-velar. * The glides are phonetically short high vowels no closer than Taos high vowels, which are very close as well. When they occur after nasal vowels, they are nasalized: . Consonant alternations The stem-initial consonant in many verb stems has alternates (i.e. shows consonantal ablaut) between two different forms in what Trager calls the "basic" stem and the "stative" stem. The "basic" stem is used for the preterit active verb form while the "stative" stem is used for the resultative stative verb-forms and deverbal nouns. : A different set of alternations are what Trager calls "internal" ablaut. The last consonant of the verb stem alternates between two different consonants in the basic stem form and the negative stem form. : Vowels Monophthongs Taos has six vowels with three contrastive vowel heights and degrees of vowel backness.The IPA symbols used here are equivalent to the following phonemic symbols of Trager: = Trager i'', = Trager ''u, = Trager e'', = Trager ''ə, = Trager a'', = Trager ''o. : Five of the vowels have an oral-nasal contrast, which persists even before a nasal consonant coda (i.e. the syllables and contrast, where C = any consonant, V = any vowel, N = any nasal consonant).Harrington (1910) does not note this oral-nasal contrast in the context of a following nasal stop. For example, the Taos has a syllable before as well as syllable before as in the words "maternal aunt" and "this". Morphemes exemplifying Taos monophthongs are in the table below: : Monophthong phonetics and allophony * Vowels have lowered variants in closed syllables and when unstressed. The in closed syllables is somewhat lower than the in unstressed syllables.The general tendency is for unstressed vowels to move away from the periphery of the vowel space. : * The vowel has phonetic "inner rounding".This is presumably a type of lip compression. Trager's (1946) description: "... the rounding is often more what might be called an inner rounding than one caused by the kind of puckering of the lips found in European language u-vowels...". The vowel has a variant with very narrow lip rounding before : : * The mid vowels may be phonetically somewhat centralized. Front is typically slightly centered in both stressed and unstressed syllables.Trager notes that has a "dull" quality when compared with American English . Back ranges from back to central and is when unstressed. Although both are mid, (upper-mid) is phonetically higher than which is phonetically lower-mid . In contrast to the high back vowel , mid is unrounded. Unlike the other vowels, has no nasal counterpart. Examples: : * The oral mid-front vowel predominantly occurs in suffixes while nasalized is relatively common in stems. Nasalized is phonetically lower than its oral counterpart: :Trager also describes nasalized as being "clear" which is presumably an indication that it is not centralized and "dull" as its oral counterpart is. : * Oral is phonetically front and is uncommon in syllables with primary stress. Nasalized is phonetically a central vowel ; it is lower than and not as far back as . Before a coda, is very similar to the centralized before syllable-final both of which are similar to the of English. Examples: : * The vowel has a slightly rounded variant after labials and also before and syllable-final . Before syllable-final nasals and the glide , this vowel is centralized: (before ), (before ).Trager (1944: 152) Nasalized is phonetically slightly rounded and higher than its oral counterpart: . Examples: : The allophonic variation of the vowels detailed above are summarized in the following chart: : * Vowel length allophony: *# The duration of vowels varies according to stress. Vowels in syllables with primary stress are relatively long and somewhat shorter in syllables with secondary stress. Unstressed syllables have short vowels. For example, the word "boat" is with the primary-stressed syllable having a long vowel, the secondary-stressed syllable having a less long vowel and the unstressed having a short vowel. *# The presence of a consonant coda also affects vowel length. Vowels are short in closed syllables (but not as short as unstressed syllables) and long in open syllables. *# There is also an interaction between tone and vowel length. Vowels with a mid tone are long while with a low tone are "pulsated". Trager mentions further interaction but does not report the details.Specifically Trager (1946) states: :: "All Taos vowels are long in free syllables when loud-stressed [= Wikipedia primary stress], and are rather short in weak-stressed [= Wikipedia unstressed] syllables. Medial-stressed [= Wikipedia secondary stress] vowels are slightly shorter than loud-stressed ones. Vowels with normal tone [= Wikipedia mid tone] and loud or medial stress are usually monophthongal longs, those with low tone are pulsated (‘reduplicated’) whether the stress is loud or quiet (thus “''by the day''” is and “''day''” is ); vowels with medial stress and high tone are rather short, those with loud high accent are longer. There are differences in the length of loud-stressed vowels depending on the vowel of the following syllable, but it would lead into too much detail to go into them in a limited description such as the present one. The exception to the length of loud-stressed vowels is when they are followed by a plain stop, especially p, t, k, when the stop is long and ambisyllabic and the vowel is quite short. In checked syllables the vowels are always short, but less so with the low tone than otherwise, and never as short as weak-stressed vowels." Trager's symbols: * the grave accent < ` > represents either a low tone and primary stress or a low tone and secondary stress phonemically and (apparently) represents low tone phonetically; * the beginning single quote < ‘ > represents aspiration; * the upper vertical line < ˈ > represents a mid tone and primary stress phonemically and (apparently) primary stress phonetically; * unmarked vowels are unstressed (and phonetically mid-toned); * the lower vertical line < ˌ > represents mid tone and secondary stress phonemically and (apparently) secondary stress phonetically; * the middle dot < · > represents long vowel length. Although Trager is obviously using the symbols with different values in phonemic and phonetic representation, he does not ever explicitly state their phonetic values (apparently stress and tone are represented with separate symbols). In the phonemic representations, the symbols represent a combination of tone and stress. The acute accent has two possible tone-stress combinations because Trager found these to be in complementary distribution; however, in his later analysis (1948) he finds this to be false. Diphthongs In addition to these monophthongs, Taos has five (native) vowel clusters (i.e. diphthongs) that can function as syllable nuclei and are approximately the same duration as the single vowels: : Unlike diphthongs in several other languages, each component of the vowel cluster has an equal prominence and duration (i.e. there are no offglides or onglides).On a historical note, Trager (1946) mentions that the vowel clusters appear to be an archaic feature of Proto-Kiowa–Tanoan that is retained in Taos but lost in other languages (such as Tewa) — this also being the opinion of Harrington (1910) — and that the vowel clusters may have originally been separated by glottal fricatives which elided at a later date (i.e. > ). The cluster is rare in general; the clusters are uncommon in unstressed syllables. Additionally, the vowel cluster : is found in less-assimilated Spanish loanwords.Trager only found one example of this borrowed cluster. Examples of the clusters are below: : The phonetics of the vowel clusters vary in their length and also their quality according to stress, tone, and position syllable structure. The clusters have vowel components of equal length in stressed closed syllables (either primary or medial stress) with mid tone. However, in unstressed syllables and in low-toned syllables (with either primary or medial stress) the first vowel in the cluster is more prominent; in high-toned syllables and in open syllables with primary stress and mid tone, the second vowel is more prominent. The nasal cluster has equally prominent vowels in primary-stressed mid-toned syllables while in closed syllables and unstressed the second vowel is extremely short. The cluster always has the first element more prominent than the second vowel. For the quality differences, the vowel in cluster is raised toward . When short, the vowel in cluster is raised toward . The vowel in cluster is rounded to and is more rounded than the allophone of monophthong adjacent to labials. These allophones are summarized in the table below: : The monophthongs can be followed by high front and high back offglides, but these are analyzed as glide consonants in a coda position. Trager notes that in these sequences the glides are not as prominent as the vowel nuclei but that the difference is not very marked, and, in fact, Harrington (1910) describes these as diphthongs on par with Trager's "vowel clusters". The following vowel + glide sequences are reported in Trager (1946): : Reduplicative patterning Noun stems that end in a vowel have a suffixation-reduplication process in absolute forms that attaches a glottal stop and a reduplicant consisting of a reduplicated stem-final vowel to the noun stem (which is, then, followed by an inflectional suffix):Martin Haspelmath refers to this type of element with the term duplifix.Stems are easily isolated since they can occur as free words when used as vocatives.For more about Taos nouns see: Taos language: Nouns. : STEM- + - - + -SUFFIX (where V'' = a reduplicated vowel) If the stem-final vowel is an oral vowel, the reduplicated vowel is exactly the same as the stem vowel: : However, if the stem-final vowel is nasal, the nasality is not copied in the reduplicant — that is, the nasal vowel will be reduplicated as that vowel's oral counterpart: : In stems that end in a vowel cluster, only the second vowel of the cluster is reduplicated: : And a nasal cluster has a reduplicated and denasalized second vowel: : Vowel deletion Taos shares with other languages in the region (Pueblo linguistic area) an areal feature of vowel elision at the end of words.See Zuni phonology for examples in an unrelated neighboring language. When a word ends in a final vowel, the vowel may be deleted resulting in a consonant final word. This is especially common with final and occasionally with final . The elision is also very common when the final is preceded by a sonorant consonant such as , etc. For example, the 3rd person pronoun particle : "he, she, it, they" is often phonetically : with syllable reduction and a resulting closed syllable. Other examples include : In the words , the voiced stops become phonetically voiceless, unreleased, and have long durations when word-final in addition to the loss of the final vowel. Vowel elision is common in connected speech. Trager (1946) notes that the elision may affect stress patterns but that this requires further research. Trager (1944) states that the deletion of final after a sonorant and the retention of is in free variation but may be related to speaking speed and syntax although the details are still unknown. Vowel alternations Prosody Stress Trager analyzes Taos as having three degrees of stress:Trager uses the following terminology: ''loud (= Wikipedia primary), normal or quiet (= Wikipedia secondary), weak (= Wikipedia unstressed). * primary * secondary * unstressed Trager describes Taos stress in terms of loudness; however, he also notes in several places where stress has effects on vowel length and vowel quality. All words must have a single primary stress. Polysyllabic words can, in addition to the syllable with primary stress, have syllables with secondary stress, unstressed syllables, or a combination of both unstressed and secondarily-stressed syllables. Trager (1946) states that the primary and secondary stress levels are in complementary distribution in low-toned and high-toned syllables. However, his later analysis rejects this. When two morphemes both with a primary stress in each morpheme are concatenated together, the first primary stress in the leftmost morpheme becomes a secondary stress (while the rightmost morpheme retains the primary stress). Tone Taos has three tones:Trager uses the term medial instead of mid. * high (symbol: acute accent ´') * ''mid (symbol: macron '''¯) * low (symbol: grave accent `) The tonal system is however marginal. Trager describes the tones as being distinguished by pitch differences. The mid tone is by the most commonly occurring tone; high tone is limited to a few stems and suffixes; the low tone is relatively common in stem syllables. The high tone is described as "higher and sharper" than the mid tone while the low tone is "distinctly lower and drawling". Many words are distinguished solely by tonal differences as in the following minimal pairs which demonstrate the contrast between the mid tone and the low tone in stressed syllables: : There is no tonal contrast in unstressed syllables, which have only phonetic mid tones.As the phonetic tone of unstressed syllables is predictable, unstressed syllables are unmarked for tone in Trager's work. This convention is also followed in the present article. Thus, the word "plum" has the unstressed syllables and which have phonetic mid tones resulting in a phonetic form of . Trager (1946) initially found the stress level to be predictable in syllables with high and low tones; however, Trager (1948) finds this to be in error with the addition of newly collected data and a different theoretical outlook. (See stress section above.) In his final historical notes, Trager (1946) suggests that in proto-Taos (or in proto-Tiwa) there may originally have been only a stress system and a contrast of vowel length which later developed into the present tonal-stress system and lost the vowel length contrasts.The related Kiowa does have vowel length contrasts. Syllables and phonotactics The simplest syllable in Taos consists of a single consonant in the onset (i.e. beginning consonant) followed by a single vowel nucleus, i.e. a CV syllable. An onset and nucleus are obligatory in every syllable. Complex onsets consisting of a two-consonant cluster (CC) are found only in loanwords borrowed from New Mexican Spanish. The nucleus can have optionally two vowels in vowel clusters (V or VV). The syllable coda (i.e. the final consonants) is optional and can consist of up to two consonants (C or CC). In other words, the following are possible syllable types in Taos: CV, CVV, CVC, CVVC, CVCC (and in loanwords also: CCV, CCVV, CCVC, CCVVC, CCVCC, CCVVCC). This can be succinctly represented in the following (where optional segments are enclosed in parentheses): : C1 (C2)V1(V2)(C3)(C4<) + Tone Additionally, every syllable has a tone associated with it. The number of possible syllables occurring in Taos is greatly limited by a number of phonotactic constraints. A further point concerns Trager's analysis of Taos coda syllables: CC clusters occurring in codas are only possible as a result of vowel elision, which is often apocope. For example, "why" has a CV.CVC.CV syllable structure, but after the elision of the final the resulting has a CV.CVCC structure with a CC cluster in the coda of the last syllable. Onsets A single onset C1 can be filled by any Taos consonant (except the borrowed ) — that is, are possible onsets. The onset , and the onsets word-initially, are only found in Spanish borrowings. In a loanword two-consonant C1C<2 cluster, C can be filled only by voiceless stops while C2 can be filled only by in the following combinations:Phoneme is actually excluded from Trager (1946) because it occurs only in loanwords and from Trager (1948) because it is analyzed as . : Of the onsets, can only occur as onsets (and not as codas). Rimes Within the syllable rime, any single Taos vowel — — may occur in the nucleus. In complex nuclei consisting of vowel clusters, the following combinations are possible: : : † - only in loanwords The cluster was found only in a single word "frying pan" (from hypothetical Spanish *puela probably from French poêle).The usual development of Spanish is into Taos cluster , as in "ox" from < buey. A subset of Taos consonants consisting of voiced stops and sonorants — — can occur in coda C4 position. There is a restriction that high vowels cannot be followed by a homorganic glide (i.e., do not occur). Not all VC combinations are attested. The attested sequences of V + glide are listed in the vowel diphthong section above. Additionally, may appear in coda position in loanwords.This was not noted in Trager (1946). In complex two-consonant C3C4 codas, Trager (1946) states that the final consonant C4 can consist of a voiced stop and be preceded by a consonant C3 consisting of a non-liquid sonorant .Trager (1946) uses the term sonant to refer to this non-liquid sonorant class, while the term sonorant refers to the usual natural class. However, Trager (1948) states that the following are the only attested coda clusters: : Trager does not discuss the combinatory possibilities between segments and tones, although he does for stress and tone. Intonation Loanword phonology Trager (1944) indicates the type of phonetic/phonological changes that New Mexican Spanish loanwords undergo when being adapted to the Taos language.Further details on New Mexican Spanish are in Trager & Valdez (1937). Different degrees of nativization occur in Spanish loanwords: earlier borrowings have greater differences while later borrowings (borrowed by speakers who are probably increasingly bilingual) have much greater similarity with the Spanish forms. The chart below lists some of the correspondences. The inflected nouns in the table are in the absolute singular form with the inflectional suffix and any reduplicant separated from the initial noun stem with hyphens. : Although NM Spanish is usually borrowed as Taos , it is nativized as when it precedes the Taos glide , which is the nativization of NM Spanish in the cluster ( > Taos ). Because Taos when followed by is typically raised (i.e. is phonetically ), Taos is phonetically a closer match to NM Spanish low . Thus, NM Spanish compadre is borrowed as "one's child's godfather (absolute, singular)" (with > ). Taos is a better match than for NM Spanish (phonetically ) because Taos is restricted to affixes in native Taos words. Another common process is the insertion of after in New Mexican Spanish words ending in , as native words in Taos cannot have syllables ending in . The other NM Spanish phonemes are nativized as similar phonemes in Taos: NM Spanish > Taos , NM Spanish > Taos , NM Spanish > Taos (but see above for NM Spanish sequence ), NM Spanish > Taos , NM Spanish > Taos , NM Spanish > Taos , NM Spanish > Taos , NM Spanish > Taos . Later borrowing, which has been subject to less alteration, has led to the development of , word‑initial voiced stops , syllable‑final , and consonants clusters . The word‑internal cluster is reduced to in Taos, as in NM Spanish maestro > Taos "teacher" — the cluster was reduced further to just as in one speaker, a reflection of the older pattern where cannot be syllable‑final. See also * Taos language Notes Bibliography * Hale, Kenneth L. (1967). Toward a reconstruction of Kiowa–Tanoan phonology. International Journal of American Linguistics, 33 (2), 112-120. * Harrington, J. P. (1909). Notes on the Piro language. American Anthropologist, 11 (4), 563-594. * Harrington, J. P. (1910). An introductory paper on the Tiwa language, dialect of Taos. American Anthropologist, 12 (1), 11-48. * Nichols, Lynn. (1994). Vowel copy and stress in Northern Tiwa (Picurís and Taos). In S. Epstein et al. (Eds.), Harvard working papers in linguistics (Vol. 4, pp. 133–140). * Trager, George L. (1936). language of the pueblo of Taos (*New Mexico). Phonétique, 56, 59-62. * Trager, George L. (1939). The days of the week in the language of Taos Pueblo, New Mexico. Language, 15, 51-55. * Trager, George L. (1942). The historical phonology of the Tiwa languages. Studies in Linguistics, 1'' (5), 1-10. * Trager, George L. (1943). The kinship and status terms of the Tiwa languages. ''American Anthropologist, 45 (1), 557-571. * Trager, George L. (1944). Spanish and English loanwords in Taos. International Journal of American Linguistics, 10 (4), 144-158. * Trager, George L. (1946). An outline of Taos grammar. In C. Osgood (Ed.), Linguistic structures in North America (pp. 184-221). New York: Wenner-Green Foundation for Anthropological Research. * Trager, George L. (1948). Taos I: A language revisited. International Journal of American Linguistics, 14 (3), 155-160. * Trager, George L.; & Valdez, Genevieve. (1937). English loans in Colorado Spanish. American Speech, 12 (1), 34-44. Category:Language phonologies Category:Taos language